Looking back on the past ten weeks, I think that I have
understood infrastructure as a force arranging for, or bringing into existence,
different groups of people who might be grouped by a common relation to certain
aspects of infrastructure. In Harvey and Knox’s study, we see roadside villages
and markets form, and road engineers/scientists come together to make
expertise. In Timothy Mitchell’s book, coal workers enacted democracy by
banding together based on their shared identity and experience around the coal
industry infrastructure: “Workers were gradually connected together not so much
by the weak ties of a class culture, collective ideology or political
organization, but by the increasing and highly concentrated quantities of
carbon energy they mined, loaded, carried, stoked an out to work” (Mitchell:
27). Karen Bakker traces different interactions and relationships around water
infrastructure, which helps us break down the corporate and community binary: “And
the distinction between “corporate” and “community,” it should be emphasized is
best viewed as a continuum rather than a binary” (Bakker: 209). In various
ways, infrastructure helps challenge understandings about social identity.
People are arranged together sometimes because of infrastructure, or divided
based on their role or interaction with infrastructure.
I find this theme salient in Anna Tsing’s book as well. I
had a hard time tracing exactly what was the infrastructure being talked about
here—I think there were several, but the one infrastructure I picked out was
the industrialized forest. I’m very excited in Tsing’s experiment in attempting
to recreate “indeterminate encounters” for us as readers in her unorthodox book
structure. It seemed to me that she did tend to organize chapters by groups or
types of people commonly identified by their role/encounter with Matsutake
mushrooms. There are the pickers, of course, and there are the Matsutake
Crusaders, who disturb the earth to help Matsutake grow. There are also scientists
in the U.S. and Japan, who study Matsutake though different questions and
goals. There are also those involved in industrial forestry, which allow for
Matsutake to flourish. It is interesting to me, in her effort to retrace
assemblages, how these actors are given centrality in turns.
For my outside media, I simply wanted to investigate what
other groupings and activities have formed around Matsutake, and I found…cooking,
of course!
- Grilled Oregon Chinook in Matsutake Ginger Broth
- Spruce, Douglas Fir & Matsutake Mushroom Farrotto Recipe
- Matsutake Soup
- Matsutake Pizza
There are a variety of recipes that show up in food blogs, online cooking magazines, and local periodicals. These recipes are posted from around the world, and some creations are distinctly location-based, like the “Grilled Oregon Chinook in Matsutake Ginger Broth”. Several blurbs also ring in the Matsutake season: “autumn is here” (Zojirushi.com).
And then there’s this epic Iron Chef “Matsutake
Battle”: https://youtu.be/2Yq2ioNmDpk?t=9m20s
Of course, Tsing is analyzing the Matsutake supply chain, and cooking falls more on the consumption side, so I’m not sure how much I can say that these are activities that form via contact with infrastructure, or the ruins of infrastructure. But, it might be interesting to consider how activity around Matsutake as a product might be different as it exits(?) the infrastructure (in whatever form of functionality) that got it from pine tree to plate.
Of course, Tsing is analyzing the Matsutake supply chain, and cooking falls more on the consumption side, so I’m not sure how much I can say that these are activities that form via contact with infrastructure, or the ruins of infrastructure. But, it might be interesting to consider how activity around Matsutake as a product might be different as it exits(?) the infrastructure (in whatever form of functionality) that got it from pine tree to plate.
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