Tuesday, January 26, 2016

Housing Crises, Ideology, and Living

Please forgive me ahead of time for the tone of this post and its rambling nature. I am still working through my thoughts about modernism, ideology, and urban design, which are tied up with my deep applied concern for these issues.

With nearly daily frequency I experience a moderate level of anxiety that we human beings have no idea how to live on our planet, how to eat, clothe ourselves, shelter ourselves, reproduce, communicate, or really do anything. We don’t even know what’s in the ocean. We try to combat this debilitating ignorance, of course. The Athens Charter was one attempt to encourage us to organize human life in a manner seen by many as rational, efficient, productive, just, and modern. But changing ideologies, lack of resources, and on-the-ground human behavior and desires revealed the weaknesses of the design for New Belgrade.
What influences and processes shape our desire to live the way we do? What ideology is revealed in the possibility of desire shaping how we live at all? The Athens Charter implies that infrastructure could shape human occupants into modern citizens. Is it desirable or possible to trust the city to all its inhabitants?
Rather than dwell on my own unsolvable anxieties, I decided to look for an outside source about Indonesia to provide a counterpoint to Designing Tito’s Capital. Jakarta was the obvious choice; the colonial and post-colonial capital of Indonesia grew from 115,000 souls in 1900 to more than 28 million in 2010 and suffers acutely from housing and infrastructure issues. A google search led me to a fascinating blog by Deden Rukana dealing with “advancement of urban development in Indonesia.” The post “The Megacity of Jakarta: Problems, Challenges and Planning Efforts” describes a history not dissimilar from that of Belgrade and New Belgrade, but with different ideological undercurrents.
Unlike in Belgrade, the government of Indonesia actively divorced itself from socialist ideology beginning with Suharto’s New Order government in the mid-1960s, and availability of modern housing for all was not a specified goal in Indonesia until recently. The New Order energetically courted foreign investment, according to Rukmana, which meant that new infrastructure was overwhelmingly in the property sector, especially “offices, commercial buildings, new town development, and highrise apartments and hotels” (Rukmana). State-sponsored infrastructure projects mirrored the desire to attract investment; an arts center, industrial zones, and the fascinating Taman Mini Indonesia Indah theme park were some of the government’s major accomplishments. But, much like in Belgrade, economic crisis halted and altered plans for development.
The reach of the economy into infrastructure is not the only similarity. As in New Belgrade, “rogue” building and settlement is considered an issue in Jakarta to the extent that rogue communities have maintained and created suburban areas within the city. Rukana writes, “to understand the suburbanization in the megacity of Jakarta, it is essential to recognize the socio-economic dualism pervading Indonesian urban society. The manifestations of this dualism are the presence of the modern city and the kampung city in urban areas. The kampung, ‘village’ in Indonesian, is associated with informality, poverty, and the retention of rural traditions within an urban setting. Firman (1999) argues the existence of kampungs and modern cities reflect spatial segregation and socio-economic disparities” (Rukmana). While a special body has been brought together to deal with development in Jakarta and relieve the inequality of space, the local governments retain authority over development and political tensions prevent cooperation.
From my superficial understanding of Jakarta urban design (based on limited experience, an article, and a blog post) compared with Designing Tito’s Capital, I suspect that neither socialism nor capitalism has a premium on declaring certain types of building and development undesirable, wild, or illegal. Nor do either exclusively draw people into a city only to find housing shortages. Ideology, in these two cases, differs vastly, but produces many of the same housing problems. The self-determination at the root of the problem was, according to Le Normand, part of the solution in Belgrade. Will it work in the long term? Will we ever know how to live? 

Rukmana’s truly excellent blog post:

http://indonesiaurbanstudies.blogspot.com/2014/03/the-megacity-of-jakarta-problems.html

A youtube video of Taman Mini Indonesia Indah, one of the Indonesian government's favorite accomplishments from the era of modernization: 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y8Ses9OTyXo

2 comments:

  1. Oh that's interesting to consider how the kampung areas are also directly affected by urban planning, especially when it comes to being used as defining the "opposite" of modernity.

    ReplyDelete
  2. Great post - can you add citations so we can read further. Thanks!

    ReplyDelete